New

Derrynaflan Hoard Timeline

Derrynaflan Hoard Timeline


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.


Ireland in History Day by Day

17 February 1980:The finding of the Derrynaflan hoard in Killeens bog Co. Tipperary in 1980 was one of the greatest archaeological discoveries of modern times.

Derrynaflan is a small island of mineral soil in Killeens bog Co. Tipperary. The site was an important monastery in the eighth and ninth centuries and came under the patronage of the King-Bishops of Cashel. The site is best known for the treasure discovered there in 1980, one of the greatest archaeological discoveries of modern times.

The hoard was discovered by Michael Webb and his son Michael Jr. while metal detecting at the National Monument on 17 February 1980. The hoard consisted of a highly decorated ninth century silver chalice, a large eighth century paten and stand an eighth century liturgical strainer and an eighth to ninth century bronze basin. The objects in the hoard date to different periods and did not originally constitute a single communion set. The treasure appears to have been buried in the ninth or tenth centuries to conceal it, probably from Viking raiders. The hoard is on display in the national Museum in Kildare St. Dublin.

The discovery of the hoard lead to years of legal action between the finders and the Irish state that went all the way to the Supreme Court. In the course of the legal action the law of Treasure Trove, which had operated in Ireland since medieval times, was found to be incompatible with Irish law. This resulted in the 1994 National Monuments Act that vested in the state the ownership of all archaeological objects.


Irish Treasures: The Derrynaflan Chalice

Ireland has a long history of human activity its early inhabitants were building great stone structures long before the Pyramids of Egypt, the Colosseum of Rome or the Temples of Angkor were even in the planning stages. These early civilisations weren’t just skilled builders however – they were also a dab hand at metalwork, making weapons, jewellery and other practical objects to make their daily lives easier and more efficient (as well as more beautiful and more dangerous too!) As the centuries went on, people’s skills became more and more refined, Christianity was introduced to the country, and as a result some exquisite religious objects such as chalices, book shrines, crosiers and the like came into existence. The Derrynaflan Chalice is one of these prized medieval treasure that has now been given pride of place in Ireland’s foremost National Museum. Although it is often overshadowed by its more well known sister, the Ardagh Chalice, it is nonetheless a stunning piece of metalwork with an equally intriguing history.

Discovery of The Derrynaflan Hoard

The chalice was the largest and most beautifully decorated of a collection of five liturgical vessels, known as the Derrynaflan Hoard. Derrynaflan is an island of pastureland surrounded by waterlogged bogs near the small town of Killenaule in county Tipperary. The island was the site of an abbey from early Christian times. Since 1930 the ruins of the site had been protected under a preservation order by the National Monuments Act, making it illegal to interfere with or damage the site in any way. So in 1980 when a man by the name of Michael Webb and his son came to the site from Clonmel to indulge their hobby of exploring with metal detectors, they were granted permission by the owner to investigate but were forbidden from doing any digging whatsoever.

However, they came across an obviously highly significant deposit of metal and decided to unearth it anyway. They discovered the chalice, a silver paten, a hoop probably used as a stand for the paten, and a liturgical strainer inside a large overturned bronze bowl. With the chalice bearing an uncanny resemblance to the well known Ardagh Chalice, which was found not too far away in county Limerick, Webb knew he had hit the jackpot. Knowing that their activities would not be looked on kindly despite finding something of enormous value, they kept the discovery hidden for three weeks. Eventually he approached a noted archaeologist, who immediately alerted the National Museum. An excavation discovered several missing parts of each object, and the Webbs were named as national heroes and given a £10,000 reward. Unhappy with this given the obviously value of the hoard, they began legal proceedings lasting almost 7 years and brought a case all the way to the Supreme Court, in which they unsuccessfully sought £5 million in compensation for the discovery. As a result, a complete overhaul of treasure trove laws was implemented in Ireland, giving automatic ownership of all archaeological objects to the state and forbidding their concealment or trading. Things didn’t turn out so badly for the Webbs though the state voluntarily offered them a further £50,000 reward for their troubles!

Source: National Museum of Ireland

Origins of the Chalice

Historians estimate that the hoard was probably placed in the ground at some point during the 10 th to 12 th centuries, at a turbulent time in Ireland’s history when the country was being raided by Vikings and under stress from various dynastic battles. Monasteries at this time were some of the wealthiest places in Ireland as they were centres of education and learning as well as religious hubs. Monks were highly learned people and highly trained in various arts, and it was they who crafted these beautiful ornaments. Monasteries were a natural target for the Vikings, and having little means of protection, monks would regularly bury their most valuable items when a raid was imminent. Therefore, hoards such as the one discovered in Derrynaflan were not uncommon. What is rare about it however, is that it is one of the best and most beautiful examples of ecclesiastical art of the time.

The monastery at Derrynaflan monastic site was founded in the 6 th century by Ruadhan of Lorrha. Its name comes from the Irish Doire na bhFlann or ‘the wood of the two Flanns’, the two Flanns being co patrons of the area who later became saints. Although surrounded by marshy bogs, several tracks on roads led to and from the site, so it was far from remote. In fact it had strong ties with churches in Lismore, Emly and even Cork, and was allied with the Eile and the Eoghanacht tribes who held sway in the surrounding land. This interaction with various sources would only have improved the skills of the monks, and given them plenty of inspiration for creating their works.

One quick look at the Derrynaflan chalice will make it clear what was influencing the monks who would have worked on it it bears an uncanny resemblance to another of Ireland’s national treasures, the Ardagh Chalice. The Ardagh Chalice dates from before the Derrynaflan Chalice and since it still takes people’s breath away today, its impact would no doubt have been felt in monasteries all around Ireland when it was first finished. Although smaller, with less decoration and crafted with an inferior level of skill, the Derrynaflan chalice still shows evidence of the development of metalwork construction techniques, and is just as beautiful as its predecessor.

Source: National Museum of Ireland

Construction and Decoration of the Chalice

The Derrynaflan chalice is made up of multiple parts, the two main ones being the bowl and the base, which are attached by a hollow cast copper alloy pin that locks in place with a catch plate on the underside of the base. It is much more secure than the Ardagh Chalice and constructed from better quality materials, showing the progress that had been made in the skills and techniques of the craftsmen. Bowl and base are constructed from beaten silver that has been lathe-polished, and the whole piece stands 19.2cm high with a diameter of 21cm. Attached to the bowl are two handles either side, and both bowl and base have several panels of gold filigree as well as 54 amber studs. The bowl and base would have been decorated separately before being attached and then finished.

A band of gold filigree work lines the outside of the chalice bowl and the upper flat section of the base plate, each one interspersed with amber studs at equal distances. The stem section where the bowl meets the base is also covered in gold ornamental panels, and the handles too contain recesses which filigree panels have been set into and held in place with stitching. The handles and stem are the most ornately decorated elements of the chalice, with circular and diamond panels in contrast with the simple band decoration and square shaped studs along the base and bowl. The handles consist of one large central circular panel with three smaller circles forming a triangle, with filigree panels in between. The stem section is alternating diamond and circular panels.

Within the filigree panels, interlacing panes and depictions of beasts and beast heads are most common, including wingless griffons and dogs. The style of the animals is similar to that seen on ornate brooches from the same period, suggesting that the chalice was crafted in the 9 th century towards the beginning of the Viking raids of Ireland. The animals are outlined in beaded wire, and conical spirals are also incorporated regularly into the design. Although the overall design and decoration is remarkably similar to the Ardagh Chalice (with the exception of the latter’s medallions on the front and back of the bowl), the differences in skill, materials and techniques makes it clear that they were not manufactured in the same place or by the same people.

Source: National Museum of Ireland

The Derrynaflan Paten

It is worth noting some of the decorative detail and techniques of the Derrynalfan paten, found alongside the chalice, since much more effort seems to have gone into this object. A paten is a flat dish that would have been used to hold and distribute communion during mass celebrations, used alongside the chalice, which would have been filled with wine and given to certain celebrants during the Eucharist portion of the ceremony. The Derrynaflan paten was assembled from over 300 separate components and is the only large scale paten to survive from early medieval Europe.

The plate itself is made from beaten silver, trimmed with silver wire mesh and, like the chalice, bordered by a ring of gold filigree panels. Fine gold wire is used to form zoomorphic patterns surrounded by Celtic knot patterns. The filigree panels also feature depictions of men kneeling, triskeles and patterns, eagles, serpents. The rim of the paten contains 24 separate panels each richly and intricately decorated with the above designs, which are pressed onto gold and silver foil bordered by copper and silver wire. The panels are interspersed with 24 gold, polychrome glass and niello studs. Overall, the workmanship on the paten suggests Viking as well as Celtic influence, which correlates with the suggestion that the plate was made at around the time of the first Viking raids.

Since the objects in the Derrynaflan hoard are highly decorated, they are likely to have been kept for occasional use only, i.e for the most important ceremonies of the year or for the most important abbots to use. However, as they are not quite as elaborate as other examples such as the Ardagh Chalice or the Tara Brooch, it is likely that they were used more regularly than these. However, it’s equally likely that they were considered just as prestigious as their sister objects by the monks of Derrynaflan, since they had crafted them using the best skills and techniques they knew. Either way, both the Ardagh Chalice and the Derrynaflan chalice are exquisite examples of medieval metalwork.


Ireland in History Day by Day

17 February 1980:The finding of the Derrynaflan hoard in Killeens bog Co. Tipperary in 1980 was one of the greatest archaeological discoveries of modern times.

Derrynaflan is a small island of mineral soil in Killeens bog Co. Tipperary. The site was an important monastery in the eighth and ninth centuries and came under the patronage of the King-Bishops of Cashel. The site is best known for the treasure discovered there in 1980, one of the greatest archaeological discoveries of modern times.

The hoard was discovered by Michael Webb and his son Michael Jr. while metal detecting at the National Monument on 17 February 1980. The hoard consisted of a highly decorated ninth century silver chalice, a large eighth century paten and stand an eighth century liturgical strainer and an eighth to ninth century bronze basin. The objects in the hoard date to different periods and did not originally constitute a single communion set. The treasure appears to have been buried in the ninth or tenth centuries to conceal it, probably from Viking raiders. The hoard is on display in the national Museum in Kildare St. Dublin.

The discovery of the hoard lead to years of legal action between the finders and the Irish state that went all the way to the Supreme Court. In the course of the legal action the law of Treasure Trove, which had operated in Ireland since medieval times, was found to be incompatible with Irish law. This resulted in the 1994 National Monuments Act that vested in the state the ownership of all archaeological objects.


Derrynaflan, Co. Tipperary – Discovery of the Derrynaflan hoard #InThisPlace

On the 17th February 1980, two amateur metal detectorists were searching land around a former monastery at Derrynaflan Co. Tipperary. The monastery was an important settlement in the period before Viking raidars invaded Irish shores in the 9th and 10th centuries. The monastery was strategically located on a patch of dry land surrounded by Littleton bog, giving the inhabitants some protection in those bygone times.

The detector signalled indicating the presence of metal below but neither Michael Webb nor his son Michael Jr. could ever imagine the importance of the find they were about to make. When they dug down, they discovered what later became known as the Derrynaflan hoard.

The hoard was contained within a corroded basin. Once opened the teasure trove was revealed and included a chalice, a decorated wine strainer or ladle and a paten. The find was dated to the 8th or 9th century.

The Webbs spent the next few years in and out of court tangled up in a legal battle over the amount of compensation they felt they were owed by the state for finding the hoard.

It was one of the finds of the 20th century and is up there with the best treasures found on these shores including the Ardagh hoard found 50 miles to the west and the Broighter hoard discovered nearly one hundred years earlier in Derry.

The site contains the ruin of an old Cistercian church. The legendary builder the Goban Saor is reputedly buried here also. His grave was marked on old ordnance survey maps and is marked by three grave slabs.


Contents

The table below lists hoards that are dated to the Neolithic period, approximately 4500 to 2500 BC.

Hoard Image Date Place of discovery Year of discovery Current Location Contents
Malone Hoard Danesfort House, Malone Road, Belfast
County Antrim
54°34′16″N 5°56′42″W  /  54.571°N 5.945°W  / 54.571 -5.945  ( Malone Hoard )
1869–1918 Ulster Museum, Belfast 19 polished porcellanite axes [1]

The table below list hoards that are associated with the Irish Copper and Bronze Ages, approximately 2500 BC to 700 BC.

The table below list hoards that are associated with the Irish Iron Age, approximately 700 BC to 400 AD.

The table below list hoards of Roman coins and silverware found in Ireland. There are very few Roman hoards in Ireland as it was never part of the Roman Empire, and those hoards that have been found are thought to have been looted from Britain by Irish raiders. [11]

The table below lists hoards that are associated with the early medieval period, from the introduction of Christianity until the start of Anglo-Norman settlement, approximately 400 AD to 1100 AD.

The table below lists hoards that are associated with the Viking culture in Ireland.

The table below lists hoards that date to the late medieval period, from 1066 to about 1500.

The table below lists hoards that date to 1536 or later, following the reconquest of Ireland by Henry VIII of England. Most of these hoards date to the Elizabethan era (1558–1603), during which time the Nine Years' War (1594–1603) caused considerable instability throughout Ireland, but especially in Ulster.


English Edit

The origin of the English placename for the village is unclear. Bassett's 1889 directory of County Tipperary listed the village, noting that it had six houses. [1] Some people believe that the placename may have been derived from a public house of the same name. However, although there is currently a hotel called the Horse and Jockey, in the mid-20th Century the only public house in the village, from which the current hotel was subsequently developed, was known simply as O'Keeffe's, after the family which owned it. Another tentative suggestion is that, since the village was on a mail coach route, it may have been the location of one of the Bianconi Inns established by the transport magnate, Charles Bianconi, and that the name may be somehow connected with such an establishment, if it existed. If there was such an inn, it may what is indicated by the use of italics in the rendering of the name The Horse and Jockey on a 19th-century map in the Ordnance Survey First Edition 6" Series. [2] [ original research? ] If so, the map appears to indicate that the inn was on the north-east corner of the village, instead of the south side of the village where the public house was located in mid-20th century. [ original research? ]

Irish Edit

Although the village now has the official Irish name of An Marcach, this is merely a translation of the modern colloquial English name, The Jockey, an abbreviation of the official name in English. In the mid-20th century, its official name in Irish was Baile na Páirce, the Irish for the townland of Parkstown, Ballymoreen on which the northern part of the village is built. As Irish post offices used Irish language postmarks since 1922, Baile na Páirce was the postmark used in Horse and Jockey post office, which opened in 1923. [3]

Attack on mail coach Edit

In November 1823, a south-bound mail coach was attacked at the village. Shots were fired but the coach managed to get past an obstruction of boulders and carts which had been across the road. However, the coach then capsized. When locals, attracted by the noise, came to the scene the attackers fled and the coach was righted. However, when it reached Clonmel, it was noticed that one passenger was missing. This was the Hon. Mr. Browne, brother of Lord Kenmare. Later, it was learned that he had taken refuge in a house near the site of the attack and arrived in Cork the next day, uninjured. [4]

Land agitation murders Edit

In 1827, as a result of land agitation, a man from nearby Ballytarsna committed a murder at nearby Rathcannon. His subsequent execution led, in revenge, to a second murder (as well as several attempted and threatened murders) and this, in turn, led to the execution or transportation for life of a dozen men.

1899 All-Ireland hurling championship Edit

The Horse and Jockey Senior Hurling team, representing County Tipperary, won the 1899 All-Ireland Senior Hurling Championship Final at Jones's Road (now Croke Park) in Dublin, beating the team from Blackwater which represented County Wexford. [5] The match was not actually played in 1899, but actually played two years later, on 24 March 1901.

Discovery of the Derrynaflan chalice Edit

On 17 February 1980, the Derrynaflan hoard was discovered about two miles east of Horse and Jockey, on an island of dry land in Liskeveen bog which was known locally as "the Gobán Saor's island". The hoard of 8th- or 9th-century religious objects is believed to have been secreted during the Viking raids of the 10th and 11th centuries.

Road Edit

Previously located on one of the main routes from Dublin to Cork, during the 19th century, the village was on the route of a mail coach. In November 1823, it was the site of an attack on a south-bound coach. [4]

The N8 national primary route transited the village until 2008, when a section of the M8 motorway was opened to bypass the village. [6] Junction 6 of the M8 motorway is located to the west of the village.

Rail Edit

Horse and Jockey railway station, [4] on the line between Thurles and Clonmel, opened on 1 July 1880, closed for passenger traffic on 9 September 1963 and finally closed altogether on 27 March 1967. [7]

After the Thurles-Clonmel railway closed, the railway bridge at Horse and Jockey was demolished. Prior to its demolition, it had been a prominent landmark on the main road between Cork and Dublin, because its steepness and narrowness forced traffic to slow down considerably.

Bus Edit

Bus Éireann's expressway service between Dublin and Cork ceased to serve Horse and Jockey in June 2012. [8] [ failed verification ] Horse and Jockey is served by a Local Link bus service. [9]

Hurling Edit

The village team won the 1899 All-Ireland championship. However, for many years, Horse and Jockey, for GAA purposes, has contributed players to the Moycarkey Borris GAA Club. [10]

Handball Edit

On the road leading eastward from the village, there is a handball alley. This was refurbished in 1954 and, unusually, is roofed-over. A local handballer, Michael Shanahan (1935-2007), from the nearby townland of Kylenoe, won many county, Munster and All-Ireland titles. Partnered by Tom Doheny, from The Commons, he won the All-Ireland junior hardball doubles championship in 1958 and four years later, in partnership with John Ryan, also from The Commons, he won the All-Ireland senior doubles championship. [11]

Dog racing Edit

In the mid-1960s, there was a small dog-racing track in the village. It was located on the north side of the Thurles-Clonmel railway, just east of the main Cork-Dublin road, just behind O'Keeffe's public house. The site is now occupied by part of the Horse and Jockey Hotel complex. Racing was not restricted to greyhounds. The "hare" was pulled by a man in small hut at the eastern end of the track, just beside the ball alley.


Grey Gardens Original Documentary Trailer

On October 22, 1971, the Suffolk County Health Department raided Grey Gardens, an East Hampton, New York mansion occupied by Edith Euring Bouvier Beale and her daughter, Edith Bouvier Beale since 1952. The women were close relatives of former First Lady Jacqueline Lee Bouvier Kennedy Onassis, which resulted in a similar frenzy of media attention to that of the Collyer story. The department documented &ldquoa surplus of cats, evidence of semidomesticated racoons, &lsquoa five-foot high mound of empty cans,&rsquo furniture in tatters, and two impoverished white women.&rdquo Magazines and newspapers quickly spread the word that the seventy-six year-old &ldquorecluse mother&rdquo and her fifty-three year-old daughter faced possible eviction and began releasing sensational photos of the two women and their home. In summer 1972, Jacqueline and her husband Aristotle paid for an extensive cleanup, and three years later the Beales&rsquo story was the subject of the documentary Grey Gardens by director Albert and David Marysles. The Grey Gardens story represents one of the most significant cases since the Collyers' involving the hoarding of debris and worthless items rather than money or valuables.

One of many photos documenting Andy Warhol's possessions prior to his posthumous auction.

On October 22, 1971, the Suffolk County Health Department raided Grey Gardens, an East Hampton, New York mansion occupied by Edith Euring Bouvier Beale and her daughter, Edith Bouvier Beale since 1952. The women were close relatives of former First Lady Jacqueline Lee Bouvier Kennedy Onassis, which resulted in a similar frenzy of media attention to that of the Collyer story. The department documented &ldquoa surplus of cats, evidence of semidomesticated racoons, &lsquoa five-foot high mound of empty cans,&rsquo furniture in tatters, and two impoverished white women.&rdquo Magazines and newspapers quickly spread the word that the seventy-six year-old &ldquorecluse mother&rdquo and her fifty-three year-old daughter faced possible eviction and began releasing sensational photos of the two women and their home. In summer 1972, Jacqueline and her husband Aristotle paid for an extensive cleanup, and three years later the Beales&rsquo story was the subject of the documentary Grey Gardens by director Albert and David Marysles.

A third historical hoard cited by Herring involves a slightly different array of hoarded items but nonetheless signals a transformation in the nature of hoarding. In the spring of 1988, the ten-day estate sale of artist Andy Warhol&rsquos possessions following his death revealed the extent of his massive collection: &ldquoAn observer for Newsweek derided the event as &lsquothe biggest garage sale ever&rsquo and experienced shock at Warhol&rsquos vast jumble of objets d&rsquoart, particularly the &lsquolower-priced collectibles.&rsquo Jewelry, she proclaimed with dismay, &lsquowas found in cookie tins a Picasso was stuck in a closet. Another closet was stuffed to the top with stunning Navajo blankets,&rsquo and all of it added up to telltale signs of &lsquoWarhol&rsquos collecting mania.&rsquo&rdquo

According to Herring, the Warhol case &ldquoencapsulates anxieties that underpin discussions of his hoarding in the late 1980s as well as those found in numerous accounts of this psychopathy to this day.&rdquo Less than two years after the late artist&rsquos auction, psychiatrist David Greenberg and two of his colleagues published &ldquoHoarding as a Psychiatric Symptom&rdquo in the official journal of the American Society of Psychopharmacology, which was an overview of hoarding as it was understood at that time. Herring describes the article as beginning &ldquowith an extended survey of &lsquonormal collecting,&rsquo a wholesome activity that &lsquoinvolved the collectors in a social world of dealers, artists, historians, art lovers, and other collectors,&rsquo&rdquo which they juxtaposed with the hoarders&rsquo &ldquopathological behaviour&rsquo whereby &ldquoneurotic patients are unable to part with a variety of useless and valueless objects.&rdquo

Psychologists&rsquo attempts at pathologizing hoarding continued from there, with numerous theories and speculations including the disorder being related to an abnormality in the fourteenth chromosome and being a variant of Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder. In 2013, &ldquohoarding disorder&rdquo was included in the American Psychiatric Association&rsquos DSM-V, which legitimized the condition as a psychiatric disease under Obsessive-Compulsive and Related Disorders. Because so many symptoms of HD under this designation can also apply to other disorders, it is difficult to determine the percentage of the population who suffers from HD. Based on the limited data, Herring speculates that &ldquo&hellipAs many hoarders may exist in America as citizens in Vermont, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, West Virginia, Maine, Kentucky, and Montana combined.&rdquo


Hoards and hoarding

Silver ingots like these were both a means of storing wealth and the raw material for creating high-status jewellery © It is often assumed that hoards from the Viking Age were buried in times of danger, and not recovered because the person who had hidden the hoard was killed, captured or forced to flee. This is probably a good explanation for many hoards, and the threat of Viking raids was itself sufficient to make many people hide their treasures. However, there are other possible reasons why treasure might be hidden and not recovered.

One is that the treasure was buried for religious reasons. It is said that pagans in the Viking Age believed that a man would have the use in the afterlife of any treasure he buried while still alive. However, this story was written down long after the Christianisation of Scandinavia, and it is not known whether it is true.

Another possibility is that hoarding might be linked with the display of wealth and power. If a leader wished to appear generous and successful, he needed to be able to hand out silver to his followers. This would mean stockpiling silver ready for handouts, and even without a specific threat, it would be important to keep the silver safe until it was given out.

If a leader wished to appear generous and successful, he needed to be able to hand out silver to his followers.

An even more dramatic display of wealth would be to remove the silver from circulation permanently, by burying it. In Egil's saga, the hero Egil Skallagrimsson does precisely that, hiding his hoard to provide a permanent talking point for others. That sort of ostentatious destruction of wealth finds parallels in many cultures.

Some of these possibilities can probably be excluded in the case of Cuerdale. The hoard contains both quite freshly minted Christian coins from the Danelaw, and ingots marked with a cross. This suggests that the hoard is unlikely to have been buried for religious reasons, while its huge size makes it unlikely that it was symbolically removed from circulation. However, the fact that the hoard contains identifiable parcels, acquired at different times and places, would be consistent with a carefully hidden stockpile which was added to gradually, as well as with a single hoard buried because of a sudden crisis.


The Gates family name needs saving again

In 2007, Ben Gates is singing the praises of his great-great-grandfather, Thomas, for destroying pages from John Wilkes Booth's diary, thus preventing the Knights of the Golden Circle from finding a vast treasure and starting a new Confederate army. However, antiques dealer Mitch Wilkinson (Ed Harris) claims that he has one of the missing diary pages, which lists Thomas as the mastermind of Abraham's Lincoln assassination.

Outraged, Ben decides to get the gang back together to clear his family name. Riley is easy to recruit as he wrote an unsuccessful book about the Templar treasure, and his "creative" accounting has landed him with a massive tax debt. Abigail, on the other hand, is trickier, as she and Ben have broken up. But her curiosity gets the better of her, and they all head to the National Archives where they examine the diary page that Mitch discovered. They find there's the imprint of a cipher on the back of the page, leading to the aforementioned treasure. Ben realizes if he can find the loot, he can prove that Thomas' only involvement with the KGC was unwittingly deciphering the code for them.

The group is able to find the five-letter key to the cipher when Patrick recalls Thomas' last words, which Charles passed on to him — "The debt that all men pay," which is "death." With that keyword, they decipher the message as "Laboulaye's Lady," a reference to the Statue of Liberty in Paris. With the help of a drone, they uncover a message on the torch. Ben then figures out that it's sending them to the Resolute desks in Buckingham Palace and the Oval Office.


Impact of the Famine

The great Irish Potato Famine had several significant impacts.

First effects of the Famine

The blight was a novelty to many of the Irish peasants. Potato diseases were not unknown and they have caused partial failures in recent decades. The blight was beyond the experience of Irish farmers. They were amazed to find their potato blacked and inedible when they took dug out of the ground. Because of the great poverty of the poorest elements in society, many tenant farmers simply did not have any food reserves. Typically, when the harvest was gathered, people began to eat the potato immediately, this was because the supplies from the last harvest had already been eaten. Upon discovering the potato crop was ruined, many knew that they would starve. A large number of tenant farmers and laborers also did not have the financial surplus to help them over the crisis. The economy of many poorer areas of the country was based on a barter system and little money actually circulated in these areas and this meant that they could not purchase the available food. Those that did have some money were forced to make a decision whether to pay their rent to the landlord or buy food. The potato blight was a disaster for many families. This meant that when the potatoes failed that they did not have enough to eat and they and their families were at risk of losing their land and their livelihood. Many people immediately began to seek relief from their local community, it was traditional in Irish society to help those who were in distress, especially family members, and neighbours. At first, the Irish poor would share their resources and this helped many throughout the hard winter of 1854-1846. However, soon, people began to hoard their own supplies, as they began to run out of food. This mean that the traditional support networks, that had helped people in previous famines collapsed and this meant that many more people began to starve. People bemoaned the fact that traditional charity and neighbourliness had ended and people were even turning on each other like ‘wolves’[14]. Some people became so desperate for food that they made the fateful decision to eat their seed potatoes. They were needed to plant next season’s potato harvest. When people ate their seed potatoes, then they would not have any potato harvest next season and they would be condemned to starvation. Within months of the first appearance of blight, it was clear that the situation for many of Ireland’s poor was disastrous[15]. At this time, it was very common for families to eat grass and nettles. The hungry often boiled nettles and ate them as a broth and this became very common during the Famine.

Who was hit hardest by the famine?

The famine devastated many areas of the country but its effects were not felt evenly throughout the regions and it impact on the different classes and religions was often different. Religion was the great divide in Ireland. The country was polarized between a Protestant community who made up 22% of the population and the Catholic population, who made up the rest of the inhabitants. The number of Catholics who died greatly exceed the number of Protestants. This was a result of the great poverty of the Catholic and as usual in a famine the poor suffered the most. This was the case in Ireland and in every subsequent famine around the world. The poor, because they were engaged in a monoculture, were unable to secure enough food for themselves and their families. The poor suffered in great numbers, especially the rural poor, who were made up of small tenant farmers and laborers. This people because of their great dependence on the potato were the first to feel the Famine. From 1845, the poor began to die in great numbers. At first, the poor died in significant numbers in their cabins and in the local dispensaries. The death rates usually rose sharply during the winter. The poor preferred to die in their own homes and it soon became a common sight for families to be found dead in cabins. By 1846, the local graveyards could no longer cope with the numbers who were dying. The Catholic Church was forced to consecrate new burial grounds for the many dying. These became known as Famine graveyards and today, nearly every locality in the island of Ireland has one such ‘Famine Graveyard’. The families of the poor usually had to bury their loved ones and they were too weak to bury them properly. Many families, because of a lack of food, did not have the strength to bury their dead. As a result, the bodies of the dead were often left in the open. The local authorities employed unemployed men or forced prisoners to collect these bodies and bury them[16]. The poor often abandoned their homes in the search for food and many died in forlorn attempts to search for work or food and many simply died in by the side of the road. By the winter of 184, large groups of poor people could be seen wandering the roads and lanes of the country, many begging for food. However, there was no food to spare. However, it was not only the rural poor who suffered and died. The urban poor also suffered greatly, and they went hungry and died in great numbers, especially the unemployed and the labourers[17]. During the ‘Great Hunger’ many tenant farmers could not pay their rent and after falling into arrears were evicted by their landlords. People were forcibly taken from their homes, by landlords often with the support of the police and military and forced to become homeless wanderers. Usually, the landlord or their agents forbade any of their tenants to help those who were evicted. To ensure that they did not return many of the evictees hovels and cabins were burned to the ground. Those evicted often were forced not only to leave their homes but their local areas. To be evicted during the great famine was almost a death sentence. Those who owned the least amount of land were most liable to be evicted. According to the Catholic Bishop of Meath, up to a quarter of those who were evicted died within a year [18] .

Famine and the Regions

The impact of the Famine varied from region to region. In 1845, the blight was felt hardest by those who lived in the poorest areas and on marginal lands, such as those in the upland areas. The blight decimated the food supply of the poorest of the poor and those who were least able to bear the loss of their precious potato crop. However, not all areas of the country experienced a disastrous potato harvest and some farmers managed to retrieve at least a portion of the harvest. This is evident from the different death rates across the country, in the period 1845-1850. Some 24% of the population emigrated or died in Connacht and 23% in the province of Munster. This compares to 12% in Ulster and 16% in Leinster[19].

Initially, the Famine was felt hardest in the West and in part of Munster. This reflected the socio-economic structure of these regions. Areas such as Skibbereen in Country Cork became by-words for suffering In the winter of 1846 and early 1847, conditions in Skibberrean and the surrounding district deteriorated. In the townland of Drimelogue, ‘one in four died that winter[20] .The continuing lack of food, meant that one Cork doctor declared that ‘not one in five will recover’ In these regions the tenants’ farms were generally small and that more poor and marginal land was in use and as a result the local inhabitants were more likely to suffer from any disruption to their food supply. Some areas of the country such as East Ulster did not suffer much at first, this was because it was more industrialized than the rest of Ireland. However, as the Famine persisted and the blight continued to attack the potato crop, those areas that initially did not suffer greatly, began to show real signs of distress and mass hunger became evident. By 1847 the Famine had spread to almost every area of the country. Even those areas in Leinster and Ulster that had been spared the worst of the disaster now were ravaged by Famine. The year 1847 is often referred to as the ‘Black 1847’ this was the year when the greatest number of people died, directly and indirectly from the Famine. Urban areas, especially Dublin, saw a massive spike in the death rate, especially in the vast slums. After 1847, some parts of the country began to recover. For example, many parts of Kerry and Cork, which had been the epicentre of the Famine, began to see signs of improvement in 1848. However, some areas of the country still saw mass starvation, such as Limerick, as late as 1850, a year when many historians believed that the famine had ended.

Despite the uneven impact of the blight during the famine the entire country, especially the poor suffered greatly all over the island of Ireland. Potatoes were the main food source in Ireland. It made up a sizeable percentage of the nutritional intake of even relatively affluent people. In 1845, the partial failure of the potato crop caused real hardship for nearly all classes, because it led to a sharp rise in all foodstuffs. As the supply of potatoes declined, then it became more expensive and people could afford to buy less of their staple food. Other foodstuffs also became more expensive as people who could not afford potatoes, tried to purchase other foods, such as barley and wheat to make flour for bread. This meant that there was hardship all over the island of Ireland, among all classes and groups. The years that coincided with the Famine witnesses also a severe economic downturn across nearly all of Ireland. The failure of the potato crop meant that people spent all their money on food and could no longer buy other essential such as clothes. This led to a dramatic contraction in the Irish economy and there was mass unemployment and bankruptcies in the urban areas, even in relatively affluent Belfast and Dublin. The effects of the Great Hunger differed from region to region, however, all of the country suffered because of the Famine[21].

Disease

The Great Hunger, as it became known, killed many hundreds of thousands. However, the greatest killer during the famine was not starvation as such but disease. This is typical of famines, the majority of deaths are not a direct result of starvation, but illness and disease. Only a small percentage of those who died in the Great Famine died because of a lack of nutrition or starvation. They largely died of illness and disease, as hunger weakened their immune systems and created environments where communicable diseases were easily spread. The Famine also caused a level of social breakdown, and the local infrastructure broke down, in particular, the local water supplies became polluted. Dysentery, caused by drinking, infected water, was endemic and killed many in 1847. Typhus was another great killer. Even illnesses that usually were not serious killed people, because of they were so weakened by disease.

The main killers were diseases such as fever, dysentery, cholera, smallpox, and pneumonia, with the first two being the most lethal. Reliable estimates state that dysentery killed some 222,000 and ‘fevers’ killed 93,000. The government admitted that figures were incomplete and that the real number of deaths was probably considerably, higher. In 1847 Dr. Dan Donovan of Skibberrean Cork estimated that between one-third and a half of the local population were labouring under fever and dysentery. Donovan contributed medical articles, especially on the effects of starvations and Famine related diseases to publications, such as the Dublin Medical News and The Lancet. His knowledge was based upon the many autopsies he had undertaken during the height of the Famine. In his ‘Observations on the Disease to which the Famine of last year gave Origin’, and on the morbid effects of Deficiency of Food’, he differentiated those deaths by starvation and disease related to ‘want of necessities’. In his obituary, it was noted that ‘observations of the post-mortem changes as a result of acute and chronic starvation, were so accurate and original as to establish him in the medical world as the chief authority regarding the distinction between death from famine and disease’. Dr. Dan also established the idea that the victims of famine often never fully recovered ‘Impossible to resurrect the energies of the truly famine struck’. These ideas influenced doctors around the world when treating the victims of Famine, especially British doctors in India. The death rate spiked in the winter, this was because many of the starving people, had not the strength or the resources to provide themselves with proper clothing and this meant that many more, died of illnesses, such as pneumonia. Another great killer at this time was food poisoning. Many people who starved ate anything they could and many consumed food, in their hunger that was tainted or inedible. This led to unknown numbers of people dying[22]. In particular, the practice of eating grass and nettles by desperate people, led to many deaths.

The Famine was an ideal breeding ground for diseases and they did not respect a person’s origin and background. As noted above many regions of Ireland, were saved from the worst effects of mass starvation and distress, but did not escape disease. This was especially the case in many urban centres such as Belfast. However, those who suffered during the Famine or who were evicted from the lands often sought relief in the urban centres. Desperate people would wander the roads of Ireland. They were weakened by hunger and often carried diseases, such as smallpox. When they made their way to urban centres such as Belfast, they would bring disease with them. This resulted in many outbreaks of disease, such as dysentery and typhus in towns and cities. Countless died, as a result, and it was not only just the poor that died but also members of the middle class and the elite. There were measures taken to prevent the poor coming into the towns and cities, spreading diseases, but it provided impossible to stop them.

The Export of Food

Historical research has shown that Ireland was a net exporter of food during the Great Famine, from 1845-1850. Even during the height of the Famine Ireland was a net exporter of food and many merchants and landlords earned vast sums from the export of foodstuffs. According to historians of the period, it was only the potato that failed during the Famine and other crops were unaffected. Indeed, the livestock industry went from strength to strength. Cows, pigs, and chickens were being fed so that they could be exported. Ireland’s livestock was being well feed and fattened, while children died on the streets and in the fields. Wheat, beans, barley and other crops were plentiful and there were even good harvests for many of these foodstuffs. It has been estimated that the country was still producing enough food to feed many of those who were starving in great need.

In 1847, the years regarded as the height of the famine, the country had a record year for food exports. There were record exports of bacon, calves, butter, and cereals. Even the areas hardest hit by the famine were exporting food to Britain and elsewhere. This food was not given to the starving population. The food was transported to ships under British military guard. This was to protect the food from being seized by the starving Irish.


Watch the video: Past, Present u0026 Future of a Bronze Age hoard (October 2022).

Video, Sitemap-Video, Sitemap-Videos